Nuclear War Why we Need our Nukes Essay Example For Students

Nuclear War: Why we Need our Nukes Essay Nuclear War: Why we Need our NukesAfter much research and discussion I have decided to bring up the constant and ever rising conflict of nuclear warfare and why we need to keep our nuclear weapons. I believe very strongly that we need to keep, test, and build nuclear weapons, people will say that we need to keep a peaceful world and ban all nuclear weapons. The people that talk like that are simply ignorant; because if there is ever any kind of nuclear war or any type of superior threat that needs to be dealt with strongly and promptly nuclear force is most likely going to be the most tactical and reasonable choice.If all the test ban treaties ever written were to come into effect our nation would be in serious danger. Due to the simple fact that everybody else would advance in the world of nuclear technology why we are over here sitting on our sorry asses trying to make the world a better place for plants, animals, and ourselves. I believe either our nation is incredibly ignorant or they are not telling the public everything the amendment grants to us. I strongly believe that if we knew everything that was going on in the world of nuclear warfare, the opinions of very many people would change.Right now as we speak Russia, China, Pakistan and many other countries have access to nuclear weapons which makes them a threat! So why they develop new ways to nuke us, we are fighting with the people about weather or not we should waste tax dollars on a project that could some day save the lives of the United States. You cant forget that nuclear weapons are not used so much as a weapon but as a deterrent. What I am saying by that is, instead of finishing a war with nukes, we could prevent the war all together by using the nukes as a scary little tactic to keep them at bay.This will never be a nuclear free world, you cant dismiss the ever growing world of technology, there will always be the threat of nuclear war, and if its not nukes it will be something more advanced and more dangerous. I just dont understand the big deal!Whoops, hit the wrong button. I really dont care much about the people, or the particular arguments involved on either side. I can only say that it is not something that can ever be right or wrong one way or the other. I dont truly believe that any one with nukes ever intends to use them, but I think the point of nukes is the what if scare factor. Is anyone really willing to take that chance? Nuclear weapons have become the standard for gaining international voice and power, and as far as I can see there really is no other medium for gaining either. The only way for a poor, unindustrialized country (such as Pakistan) to be heard is to instill a fear of annihilation, or just severe damage, in the hearts of the people of other more developed countries. Lets face it, if they didnt scare us, we would never look twice in their direction. Nuclear weapons are, I feel, a permanent part of our world for as long as it continues to exist. Mine as well get used to them.Here is an interview given on Tuesday night to Michael KreponI fear the treaty will be in limbo for many, many yearsMichael Krepon provided rare insight into the arcane Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty on Tuesday night. The president of the Henry L Stimson Centre was engaged in an illuminating discussion with some of Indias bestknown analysts on defence issues Achin Vanaik, Praful Bidwai, Raja Mohan and C Uday Bhaskar. Check out the transcript. Its fascinating.amberish (Tue Aug 13 20:58:41 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, let us begin now. Would you like to comment on how non-officals in the US views Indias stand? Krepon (Tue Aug 13 21:02:21 1996 IST): Amberish: The idea of a timetable for diarmament remains firmly rooted in the game-plans of many states and NGOs, but Im not sure that the idea is spreading. The NWSexcept Chinaremain firmly opposed. The negotiating tactics by some NNWS in Geneva demanding more by way of preambular commitments toward complete nuclear disarmament may be tragically wrong. These tactics assume that the NWS are the demandeurs for a CTBT, and that this provides leverage to get more on disarmament. In fact, only the US Government is strongly interested in a CTBT at this point. The other NWS would just as soon see the Treaty wither and die. Moreover, support for the CTBT here in the US cannot be taken for grantedwitness the Republican Partys presidential platform calling for a resumption of testing and opposition to CTBT ratification. The chances for a CTBT are slipping away. pat (Tue Aug 13 21:03:44 1996 IST): Hello Mr Krepon,Why should India sign CTBT when it is surrounded by neighbours who have a track record of hostilities commited against India.amberish (Tue Aug 13 21:06:44 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, true that at this stage it is the US pushing the CTBT while others would rather watch it die. That is exactly the fear, especially Indias, that others really do not want to de-arm. And how far can India go with a China on its borders, which even the US is wary of?Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 21:07:02 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, has Pakistan agreed to sign the CTBT? Is it true that Washington has struck a deal with Beijing to persuade Pakistan to sign the CTBT?Krepon (Tue Aug 13 21:07:19 1996 IST): Nikhil and Amberish: Many thanks for inviting me to join you tonight for this chat. I am grateful to you for opening this direct line of communication. Right now, the Clinton Administration is quite concerned that chances for a truly comprehensive and verifiable test ban treaty are slipping away, in part because of Indias stand, in part by the non-constructive roles played by other countries. Most recently, Iran has indicated that it would join India in taking blocking action, preventing the transmission of the CTBT from Geneva to the UN General Assembly. Im not sure that this is the kind of company that India wishes to keep. Vinay (Tue Aug 13 21:09:43 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, does this mean you wish India to sign the CTBT?amberish (Tue Aug 13 21:10:59 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, perhaps Irans stance comes about because right now the US is planning sanctions against Iran. An Iran pushed against the wall is hardly going to be cooperative. And while, I suppose, India is wary of being identified too closely with Iran, its opposition to just a CTBT has been constant.Krepon (Tue Aug 13 21:11:51 1996 IST): Nikhil: Chinas support for a CTBT has been less than fulsome, as is evident by Beijings opposition to a flexible entry-into-force formula for the Treaty. My sense is that Islamabad would have great difficulty signing the CTBT if New Delhi refuses to do so. Benazirs political opposition has expressed itself against this course of action, which limits her freedom of maneuver on this issue. I am not privvy to whatever deal was struck between the US and Chinese governments, but I doubt if Beijing could or would choose to force Islamabads hand on signing the Treatyassuming one emerges from Geneva.amberish (Tue Aug 13 21:14:34 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, India is against joining the CTBT for fear of its security. So is the US in a position to give some sort of a guarantee against a nuclear threat to India? How valid and useful would such a guarantee be?Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 21:16:39 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, There is amazing consensus on this issue in India and no political party would ever risk ignoring that consensus and sign the CTBT. Again, many Indians feel Washington persistently ignores New Delhis security concerns, so why they feel should India go along with the US on this issue? Krepon (Tue Aug 13 21:17:41 1996 IST): Amberish: Iran is actively pursuing the nuclear option, as is evident from Tehrans purchasing interests on black markets, and its odd pursuit for a nuclear power program, despite its considerable oil reserves. Tehran would not be too displeased if the CTBT didnt happen, which may account for its unfortunate blocking tactics. Vinay: Yes, I would like India to sign Nehrus treaty, and I would like India not to block other states from signing Nehrus treaty. This treaty is an essential precondition to the elimination of nuclear weapons. I believe it would be tragic to loose this treaty in pursuit of objectives that are unobtainable at this time.Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 21:20:29 1996 IST): Is there a way out of the impasse? Or will the CTBT go ahead minus India, Iran and Pakistan? What happens three years hence? Some Indians fear likely sanctions if New Delhi refuses to sign by that deadline. Do you think that is possible? rajamohan (Tue Aug 13 21:21:30 1996 IST): hi michael, this is raja mohan and c uday bhaskar at the same number. could you tell us about the prospects for ratification of the ctbt in us congress, since the republicans seem tohave come out against the ctbt in their election platform?amberish (Tue Aug 13 21:23:30 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, the history of disarmament talks has been one of failures. And it fails because the status quo do not give any margin to accommodate the other powers-in-waiting. So how can this rigidity of the statu quo powers be overcome. And why on earth do Britain and France need nuclear weapons today. If they were to agree to disarm, would it not go a long way in convcing others of genuing disarmament desires?Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 21:25:50 1996 IST): Mr Krepon,invoking Gandhi and Nehru may cut little ice with the Indian people who are fed up with what they interpret as Washingtons consistent balming of Pakistani interests, despite evidence of that countrys nuclear programme. In any case, why is Indias demand that the nuclear powers set a deadline for the obliteration of their nuclear arsenals impractical?uday bhaskar (Tue Aug 13 21:30:03 1996 IST): michael, has there ever been an EIF of this nature where a nation that is opposing the draft is being named or shall we say being dragged into the treaty?and as a follow up why was the US not able to prevail with the original EIF which talked about the five nuclear powers only?StarWar (Tue Aug 13 21:30:08 1996 IST): Does this episode emphasise the rhythm that third world countries can influence the world, only, by putting their foot down? Comments..amberish (Tue Aug 13 21:31:36 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, can there not be a CTBT minus the recaltricant nations, who might be persuaded to join a few years later if they realise that there is no point in being out of the CTBTKrepon (Tue Aug 13 21:33:13 1996 IST): To Pat, Kikhil Amberish: I dont believe India would seek or accept US security guarantees in order to sign the CTBT. Relevant sociological literature Essay The simple reason is that a number of countries really dont want the CTBT to enter into force, and are using this procedural device to leave the nuclear option open. India has risen to the bait, and now, I fear, the Treaty will remain in limbo for many, many years. Surely, this is a great shame. praful and achin : (Tue Aug 13 21:57:59 1996 IST): what is missing from the Indian debate is that the draft provides for a future conference that can alter the EIF provision. Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 21:58:00 1996 IST): Thank you, Mr Krepon. But the situation in India is about the same. No Indian prime minister could afford to sign the CTBT. It would be the chalice of hemlock for him. Just as a declaration that we seek from the US would be to an American president.StarWar (Tue Aug 13 22:00:19 1996 IST): Uday, I am in Los Angeles, CAPeace (Tue Aug 13 22:02:38 1996 IST): Wwhy is the American government so condecending towrds the third world countries?praful and achin : (Tue Aug 13 22:03:09 1996 IST): the Indian demand for time bound link to ctbt is an utterly unconvincing cover for its own duplicity and its obsession wiht keeping the nuclear weapons option including the fusion option indefiniteoy open.Krepon (Tue Aug 13 22:04:06 1996 IST): Amberish: The idea of non-testing and non-use for the next fifty years may well be utopian, but this would be an easier task than phased reductions to zero. Actually, I propose to pursue both simultaneously, although not with the deadlines that India and other states demand. To me, a CD negotiations on deadlines for disarmament is a recipe for stalemate. Worse, it would let the US Russia off the hook for START III, IV, V. (Sorry for the fishing metaphorshave just spent a few days with friends dropping lines in the water.) Actually, the least difficult strategy is to demand no more tests and no more use. This is the most direct approach to devaluation. StarWar (Tue Aug 13 22:07:10 1996 IST): Raja Mohan, when was India responsible for an imbroglio concerning nuclear issue? Any precedence. If so, is there a learning piece from that experience that you (India Ministry) are not employing to execute the CTBT successfully. praful and achin (Tue Aug 13 22:07:49 1996 IST): Nikhil: you can always create a situation thro media manipulation where a consensus is manufactured and then say that you cnanot sign a ctbt etc. the same govt signs unequa;l treaties e.g. gatt but refuses to sign a nondiscriminatory ctbt. Lets be precise. NPT is disciminatiory but a CTBT can at best be claimed to be disciminatory depending upon your interpretaition of various provisions. New Delhis stand is unconvincing and inconsistent.(Tue Aug 13 22:08:24 1996 IST): This is raj. Achin and Praful seem to think only India has motivations in its approach to the ctbt. What about the US? Why has the US been so enthusiastic about the ctbt after so many years? It is worth asking this question. Many US officials are on record saying that the principal gain for the US from the ctbt is that it will freeze the nuclear capabilities of all others. That the UsS will gain much less from additional testing than the threshold states. The CTBt is part of a larger arms control strategy of the US where it wants to retain its primacy in the international system. Why do praful and achin love the US hegemony so much?amberish (Tue Aug 13 22:11:10 1996 IST): Michael, thanks. No more tests and no more use. Here comes one tricky part, how do we ensure that those with nuke weapons wont use them or blackmail others with them (precisely Indias fears vis-a-vis China, and definitely Pakistans fear against a nuke India). So what can be done to have some surety at this stage that signing a CTBT is not Indias death warrant?Krepon (Tue Aug 13 22:12:12 1996 IST): Praful Achin: Thank you for joining us. I am at a loss to figure out how to mend the EIF problem at this late date. China, Russia, Egypt, Pakistan, Iran, and perhaps other countries have indicated that they cannot accept a less inclusive list of states that must sign, ratify without disabling conditions, and deposit ratifications before the CTBTs entry into force. Given the difficulties involved in getting 44 countries to take such action, it is mystifying why New Delhi has declared that it will block transmittal of treaty text from Geneva to New York. Hell: The Republican Party seems to have decided to take cary of Indias problem. That India should have adopted such an extreme position is rather extraordinary. What is the matter of principle or sovereignty that is so great as to disallow other countries from signing the CTBT?Krepon (Tue Aug 13 22:14:42 1996 IST): Nikhil: This is our sad lot: The political arguments that work in India are hemlock in the US; the arguments that work for a CTBT here (such as stockpile steawrship) reinforce worst fears in India.praful and achin (Tue Aug 13 22:15:30 1996 IST): Raj: we will not descend to the gutter level. We have been consistently critical of the US and all other nuclear weapon states, more so than you and others who are preapared even to compromise on the NPT. Our opposition to the npt lets remind you, is a) more accurate b0 more comprehensive c) more consistent than yours, Subramaniam, sunderji etc. We do question US motives.But we are not so stupid as to argue that the motives determine the objective outcomes of all treaties or that motives should primarily decide whether India shoudl sign the CTBT.Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 22:15:50 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, do you think (Tue Aug 13 22:18:52 1996 IST): Mr Krepon: Do you think it is fair for America to arm twist the other countries into signing the CTBT infact even talk about it, after they have perfected their Nuclear capacities and built up their arsenal as well as become A one stop shop for terrorists and warring nationsKrepon (Tue Aug 13 22:22:04 1996 IST): Amberish: You and Rajamohan and many other thoughtful and intelligent Indians talk about the coercise power of nuclear weaponseven though they may no longer be used, they still have political utility. This notion may have been true in the past, but is it true today? How useful were nukes in the Vietnam War? Or the Suez Crisis? When the US recently threatened Libya, elliptically, over the CW facility under construction, which country was more damagedthe US or Libya? Why continue to foster the myth that nukes provide political utility or coercise power? What power resides in a weapon that cannot be used? The real instrument of coercison today is economic power, not nukes. Stop repeating arguments that no longer make sense! Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 22:27:08 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, you mentioned a little while ago that the CTBT will be in limbo for many years. Does that mean the treaty is brain dead, and that the CD in Geneva will end in a stalemate? Is there hope for the treaty to be revived? And what will it take for that to happen?(Tue Aug 13 22:29:05 1996 IST): michael, this is raj. i dont have to tell you that the US has drawn profound lessons from the gulf war. that nuclear weapons and other mass destruction weapons can be used to constain US conventional superiority in regional conflicts. Both the US nuclear posture reveiw and the counterproliferation doctrine have reemphasized the utility of nuclear weapons. Can we really deny that? I think the US is being prudent. why dont you give the same benefit of doubt to India?amberish (Tue Aug 13 22:30:00 1996 IST): Michael, there is no doubt that economic power means a lot more than weapons in the armoury. Which is why Japan is a power today, and India is not (nor for that matter suspected nuclear states like Pakistan, Israel, N Korea). But Japan is protected by being close to US and is part of US economic ties. Regarding the use of N-arms, that is precisely the fear: that the only time they were used was against a country that did not posses them (Japan, August 1945), and never again when there was a threat (howsoever remote) of retaliation Vietnam and Suez had at least covert Soviet backing. In fact, other opposing powers kept a check, and today it is this very system of checks and balances that is missing. and which must be redressed, in part, by the US.Nikhil Lakshman (Tue Aug 13 22:31:12 1996 IST): Mr Krepon, have you been in touch with the Pakistanis? Do you sense a weakening of their resolve? (Tue Aug 13 22:33:39 1996 IST): michael, this is raj. i dont have to tell you that the US has drawn profound lessons from the gulf war. that nuclear weapons and other mass destruction weapons can be used to constain US conventional superiority in regional conflicts. Both the US nuclear posture reveiw and the counterproliferation doctrine have reemphasized the utility of nuclear weapons. Can we really deny that? I think the US is being prudent. why dont you give the same benefit of doubt to India?StarWar (Tue Aug 13 22:36:11 1996 IST): Michael Krepon, If todays coercion is economic biggy, why not legislate the treaty pass in U.N as majority not unanimous. This was incidentally suggested by Jaap Ramaker of Netherlands. Secondly, if China, Russia, Britain and France opt to wait till India, Pak and Israel ratify your goddamn treaty, comments like the four Bs are hiding behind Indian sari may not be very diplomatic. Capitol Hill has a reputation, you know.Krepon (Tue Aug 13 22:36:13 1996 IST): Raja: You have become quite adept at putting those who disagree with your perspective on the defensivebut I miss your analytical talents. You ask why the US has all of a sudden become so supportive of the CTBT. Surely there must be some nefarious ulterior motives, such as putting India into a strait jacket.